Research Officer, Programme for Comparative Media Law and Policy
Jun 02 , 2017
As China’s new Cybersecurity Law is now irrevocably coming into force, the question is more what foreign businesses can do to adapt to or mitigate the law’s effects. China’s political project remains self-generation in all senses of the world, which nearly automatically means limited or controlled engagement with foreign commercial counterparts. Foreign businesses need to understand this in order to position their own potential contribution to that process of development as a path to growth.
Apr 18 , 2017
The question for Western diplomats dealing in global Internet governance must be how to effectively engage China so as to maintain peace, security and stability in cyberspace – goals to which China’s cooperation strategy commits explicitly. Will cold-shouldering China empower those voices in Beijing advocating a more hawkish and isolating approach to global internet norms? Meeting China halfway on some of its desiderata, for instance a more high-profile presence at flagship Chinese events, might not only lead to a broader basis for engagement and trust, but also enable support for those voices within the Chinese system whose objectives overlap more with that of outside countries.
Jan 05 , 2017
China’s Cybersecurity Law has elicited rather negative responses from foreign businesses, governments and NGOs. Perhaps ironically, the U.S. thus seems to have fallen victim to what Beijing has long feared would happen to them: ideological infiltration by a geostrategic adversary aimed at upsetting the political system.
Aug 16 , 2016
The Chinese government published its national cyber strategy, which aims to transform it into a strong Internet power within this century. It will have a considerable impact on how China will attempt not only to reshape the architecture information and communication technologies at home, but also how it will position itself in global strategic terms.
Jun 30 , 2016
Lu Wei, China’s Internet Czar is stepping down, causing speculation to arise that he may have been demoted or dismissed. Rogier Creemers considers a more likely scenario: Lu Wei may be promoted to lead the Central Propaganda Department, as its relevance to media has waned compared to the multitude of voices online through social media. In a very short time, Lu reversed the leadership's perception of the Internet from something to be feared to something that could be mastered.
Jun 07 , 2016
Norms, or generally accepted modes of behaviour, have provided a quicker and more flexible approach than international law for governing actions in cyberspace. While both China and the United States have begun discussing such behaviour in terms of international law, it currently seems unlikely that an agreement, or even trust, will be reached in the near future.
Apr 27 , 2016
Rogier Creemers argues that for global Internet continuity, the West must recognize China has legitimate interests and claims that must be respected, even if the foundational values of its political system are diametrically opposed. Conversely, China must come to terms with the fact that not all rules in the global playing field are sedulous attempts by the U.S. to expand its own power, and that it also must be bound by them in order to maintain global stability and prosperity.
Apr 11 , 2016
Various news outlets alleged that new Internet regulations might cut China off from the global Internet, and that foreign websites might have to re-register within China in order to maintain access to its market. Few of these comments, however, evince an understanding of how the domain name system (DNS) works, and how these regulations might impact online traffic.
Jan 25 , 2016
China’s position on Internet governance is that the Internet is a mere reflection of physical space, and therefore should be subject to similar norms of non-external interference. After the Wuzhen Conference, the question on how to engage with China in the realm of cyberspace remains largely unanswered.
Sep 07 , 2015
The Obama administration is proposing economic sanctions to punish Chinese companies benefiting from cyber espionage. As there are few clearly defined ways to account for cyber harm or universal norms in cyberspace, the call for sanctions can perhaps primarily be seen as a political signal aimed as much at domestic audiences as to China.