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Commentaries by Rogier Creemers

Rogier Creemers

Research Officer, Programme for Comparative Media Law and Policy

Rogier is a post-doctoral research officer at the Programme for Comparative Media Law and Policy. On the basis of his background in Chinese Studies and International Relations, he wrote a Ph.D. thesis on the relationship between media piracy in China, int
  • Aug 18, 2017

    Donald Trump’s recent order to the United States Trade Representative to determine whether to launch an investigation against China concerning its alleged theft of U.S. intellectual property fail to make clear what the actual problem is that they are trying to solve. There are many things businesses can currently do already, while governmental processes are on-going. A sound corporate IP strategy will include non-disclosure agreements for businesses operating with Chinese partners or staff, thorough IP registration and documentation procedures, and aggressive litigation against infringers.

  • Aug 14, 2017

    If The U.S. can’t come to a coherent position on cyber affairs domestically, what chances for success are there for a body such as the GGE, seeking to lay the groundwork for a comprehensive agreement?

  • Jun 02, 2017

    As China’s new Cybersecurity Law is now irrevocably coming into force, the question is more what foreign businesses can do to adapt to or mitigate the law’s effects. China’s political project remains self-generation in all senses of the world, which nearly automatically means limited or controlled engagement with foreign commercial counterparts. Foreign businesses need to understand this in order to position their own potential contribution to that process of development as a path to growth.

  • Apr 18, 2017

    The question for Western diplomats dealing in global Internet governance must be how to effectively engage China so as to maintain peace, security and stability in cyberspace – goals to which China’s cooperation strategy commits explicitly. Will cold-shouldering China empower those voices in Beijing advocating a more hawkish and isolating approach to global internet norms? Meeting China halfway on some of its desiderata, for instance a more high-profile presence at flagship Chinese events, might not only lead to a broader basis for engagement and trust, but also enable support for those voices within the Chinese system whose objectives overlap more with that of outside countries.

  • Jan 05, 2017

    China’s Cybersecurity Law has elicited rather negative responses from foreign businesses, governments and NGOs. Perhaps ironically, the U.S. thus seems to have fallen victim to what Beijing has long feared would happen to them: ideological infiltration by a geostrategic adversary aimed at upsetting the political system.

  • Aug 16, 2016

    The Chinese government published its national cyber strategy, which aims to transform it into a strong Internet power within this century. It will have a considerable impact on how China will attempt not only to reshape the architecture information and communication technologies at home, but also how it will position itself in global strategic terms.

  • Jun 30, 2016

    Lu Wei, China’s Internet Czar is stepping down, causing speculation to arise that he may have been demoted or dismissed. Rogier Creemers considers a more likely scenario: Lu Wei may be promoted to lead the Central Propaganda Department, as its relevance to media has waned compared to the multitude of voices online through social media. In a very short time, Lu reversed the leadership's perception of the Internet from something to be feared to something that could be mastered.

  • Jun 07, 2016

    Norms, or generally accepted modes of behaviour, have provided a quicker and more flexible approach than international law for governing actions in cyberspace. While both China and the United States have begun discussing such behaviour in terms of international law, it currently seems unlikely that an agreement, or even trust, will be reached in the near future.

  • Apr 27, 2016

    Rogier Creemers argues that for global Internet continuity, the West must recognize China has legitimate interests and claims that must be respected, even if the foundational values of its political system are diametrically opposed. Conversely, China must come to terms with the fact that not all rules in the global playing field are sedulous attempts by the U.S. to expand its own power, and that it also must be bound by them in order to maintain global stability and prosperity.

  • Apr 11, 2016

    Various news outlets alleged that new Internet regulations might cut China off from the global Internet, and that foreign websites might have to re-register within China in order to maintain access to its market. Few of these comments, however, evince an understanding of how the domain name system (DNS) works, and how these regulations might impact online traffic.

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