As China grows more prosperous and consumer-oriented, so will its e-waste stream, much of which will inevitably be exported to West Africa. The U.S. only recycles about 15 percent of its e-waste, and China, 30 percent. West Africans ought to persuade both major powers to prohibit the export of e-waste.
Under Xi, China has moved to a proactive posture to shape its external security environment, using trade and investment to expand its sphere of strategic influence while simultaneously asserting territorial and maritime claims against its neighbors. The Maritime Silk Road project is driven by his belief that the maritime domain holds the key to China achieving preeminence in Asia.
To some extent, the structures of the Asian Development Bank, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund are obsolete: they can no longer meet the needs of new emerging economies and don’t reflect today’s global economy. The AIIB could serve to invigorate the other banks to become more competitive and efficient.
China’s investment in Central Asian energy and transportation is impressively promoting regional integration. There is still a degree of fear and caution from Central Asian leadership due to incomprehension of Beijing’s foreign policy goals, a historical legacy of confrontation, and the sensitivity of Moscow to recognize the importance of Beijing’s role.
The 1955 conference reshaped the modern world order, and its legacy is rich with lessons that apply to today’s political challenges and pursuit of prosperity.
Despite official American and Japanese opposition, 57 countries have opted to be among the founding members of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Regardless of what naysayers believe, this remarkable turn of events can only benefit global economic governance.
The Philippines is seeing a year of impressive economic growth (at 6.3%) despite the lacking foreign direct investment due to woeful infrastructure constraints. The AIIB can be an additional source of funding for local infrastructure projects. Political disputes surrounding the China Sea disputes were not enough to trump the economic importance of this cooperation.
A more dynamic and flexible AIIB has the chance to develop and showcase strong, new and effective accountability mechanisms supported by all shareholders. Here though, China too must learn from and improve upon its own past practices if it is to prove the skeptics wrong.
Many Western countries, the World Bank and other multilateral institutions are embracing China’s proposed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Their analysis concludes that the bank is a strategic asset for themselves as well as Asia, and the US could benefit from the same approach.
To offset weaker export numbers and a reliance on foreign reserves, China needs a growth model that emphases quality goods and innovation-led growth. A twenty-first century economic model of innovation particularly requires the support of a highly efficient financial system, a sound legal system of intellectual property protection, fair tax incentives, and better entrepreneurial education.
The Chinese economy is simply too big to remain tied to the once useful monetary anchor of the renminbi–U.S. dollar peg. It is time to let it go. In the short term, it would help deliver a warranted Chinese monetary easing by helping to stabilise the effective exchange rate and to facilitate an orderly unwinding of the Chinese corporate carry trade.
Chiefs of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund overtly expressed their support and intention for cooperation for the AIIB, for its possibility of fast and sustainable development in new Asian economies. This hasn’t developed with a share of U.S. and Japanese controversy over supposed veto ability, lack of “high standards,” the eclectic membership, and the notion that the U.S. “won” and China “lost.”
The rapidly swelling local government debt in China over the past few years are seen by many as a trigger to a credit bubble, or even a full-blown financial crisis. Budget reform, the first critical reform among over 330 reform proposals of the Xi administration, has kicked off, laying the foundation for a more balanced and transparent government budget and financing structure. Yifan Hu outlines the areas needed for both short and long term structural changes.
Over the past two years, Washington has lobbied against the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Now, nearly 50 countries have joined or applied to become prospective founding members. Dan Steinbock argues that the U.S. opposition reflects a deeper challenge – that of adjusting American exceptionalism into the era of a multipolar world economy.
Instead of viewing the AIIB as a symbol of looming Chinese economic hegemony, the AIIB should instead be viewed as a global climate change solution with powerful, vastly distributed benefits. Stewart Taggart claims it would create non-discriminatory access to a massive regional market for energy sources ranging from sun, wind, and biomass to hydro and geothermal. Without the external labor sink of infrastructure projects, domestic Chinese unemployment will also rise.