Using a formula to define “comprehensive national strength,” Yan Xuetong explains how China has increased its national strength by expanding militarily, opening up economically, and maintaining strategic alliances. The world is increasingly witnessing bipolarization due to smaller nations strategically taking sides with either the U.S. or China for their securitization, yet this doesn’t mean another Cold War.
Though it would be an exaggeration to say another Cold War is occurring between the U.S. and Russia, their relationship has indeed descended to a new low because of the worsening situation in Ukraine. Yin Chengde posits that the locus of tension is in each sides’ challenge for influence in Ukraine, while China believes it should be solved through political and diplomatic means.
The recent Lausanne agreement on Iran’s nuclear program is an important step forward for the international community after more than 12 years of painstaking negotiations, writes Wu Jianmin.
Many Western countries, the World Bank and other multilateral institutions are embracing China’s proposed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Their analysis concludes that the bank is a strategic asset for themselves as well as Asia, and the US could benefit from the same approach.
U.S. opposition to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a misreading of global international relations trends and development, according to Wu Jianmian. The AIIB wont’ challenge the existing financial institutions, and through infrastructure development, create a new model of “win-win” cooperation. China says the door is still open for the U.S. to join.
Zbigniew Brzezinski is one of America’s leading strategic thinkers. He was national security adviser to President Jimmy Carter at the time of the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and during the ensuing hostage crisis. He spoke with The WorldPost about the recently negotiated agreement with Iran on its nuclear program.
Previous U.S.-China issues of friction are becoming magnified again: Taiwan-Straits militarization, tension on the Korean Peninsula, maritime tension in the East and South China Seas, and security issues in cyberspace. Zhang Tuosheng calls on both nations to re-commit themselves to avoiding conflict, to strengthen and improve their liaison mechanism, to enhance the role of research, and to hold joint meetings.
The West increasingly views China as a potential competitor, while Chinese decision-makers misinterpret U.S. “hedging” as “containment.” The dissolution of traditional U.S. global hegemony and increasing importance of the Asia-Pacific calls for new transnational cooperation. The U.S. and China must lead through a “new model of major-country relations” to respond to the increasing environmental, security, and economic challenges arising around the world.
A conflict of sovereignty and identity in Ukraine has drawn speculation as to China’s role in mediation. Despite the ongoing dilemma, China has remained impartial in the matter, repeatedly appealing to all relevant parties to respect International Law as well as the basic norms governing international relations; Ukraine and Russia must settle the dispute through dialogue to maintain peace in the region.
The move by China to create the AIIB doesn’t imply intention to control the bank; instead it is an attempt to enhance its “soft power,” while avoiding typical international norms of competing for hegemony. Europe’s participation has rendered the AIIB international credibility; yet China is wary that the new institution is already over-politicized even before its official launch and operation.
President Xi Jinping will visit Washington D.C. in September, providing an essential opportunity for the two leaders to openly discuss bilateral relations, investment, and global issues. David Shambaugh calls on Chinese leaders to engage in action over slogans, and for each side to share their perceptions of the strategic intentions of the other; false perceptions must be discussed and refuted in order to reinvigorate mutual trust.
Economic and security structures in the Asia-Pacific region have shown a trend of changes towards the “dual-track structure” between U.S.-led allies and Chinese-led allies. It is imperative for China and the U.S. to optimize strengthen their complementary features, rather than maintain a bipolar and competitive nature, so as to ensure development and security in the Asia-Pacific region. Zhai Kun provides four suggestions to achieve this.
The Third Session of the 12th National People’s Congress delivered a “Report on the Work of the Government.” Notable advancement was made in conducting economic diplomacy with the Silk Road Economic Belt, 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and Silk Road Fund. More significant openness to the outside world and expanded economic diplomacy are priorities of diplomatic work in 2015.
Abe must understand – and the U.S. should exert pressure on him – that the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II is prime time for him to profoundly reflect on Japan’s wartime crimes. If Abe goes too far in the wrong direction, there will be no peace in the Asia-Pacific and the hard-won beginning of a Sino-Japanese détente may vanish.
The question of Thucydides trap has become a classic in Sino-US relations to explain the rising military securitization. For the past five years China has attempted to develop state-of-the-art A2AD capabilities to secure its periphery, and the U.S. has called for a maritime version of NATO to ensure U.S. conventional offensive advantage over China. Trigkas argues the relevance of Thucydides today in teaching that we must utilize the creative forces of humans towards the Epicurian or the Confucian Good life and not towards supremacy.