Trump and China Policy
- Sampson Oppedisano , Executive Assistant to the Dean, The Milano School of International Affairs, Management and Urban Policy
Apr 18 , 2017Expected by many to be a showdown, a clash between the world’s two powerhouse economies, the long awaited meeting between Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping, fell far short of that. While the meeting itself was lackluster in regards to the fierce clash many had expected, it did produce two somewhat substantial outcomes — or at least the beginnings.
- Chen Yonglong , Director of Center of American Studies, China Foundation for International Studies
Apr 18 , 2017Difficulties for the U.S. are not opportunities for China. The road to make America great again leads to Beijing; and for China to be strong and prosperous, effective cooperation from the American side is also indispensable.
- Wu Zurong , Research Fellow, China Foundation for Int'l Studies
Apr 10 , 2017When Donald Trump became the 45th President of the United States on January 20, many in the U.S. and other parts of the world tended to believe that the U.S. would experience dramatic changes in the first two years of his presidency, creating a world full of uncertainties.
- Trump’s ascension to power was bad news for Beijing, especially because his “Make America Great Again” vision collides with Xi’s “Chinese dream” to make this the “Chinese century.” Yet China thus far has not only escaped any punitive American counteraction on trade and security matters, but also the expected Trump-Xi bonhomie at Mar-a-Lago could advertise that the more things change, the more they stay the same in U.S. foreign policy.
- He Yafei , former Vice Minister, State Council Office of Overseas Chinese Affairs
Mar 12 , 2017Common strategic interests of both countries require the U.S. and China to contribute to a new security framework in Asia-Pacific, by working together towards a better security arrangement for the region. Over-reliance on military alliances targeting third parties cannot replace efforts to provide adequate security for all.
- Chen Xiangmiao , Assistant Research Fellow, China National Institute for South China Sea Studies
Mar 10 , 2017The sea issue is a stumbling block in China-US relations, but it’s not clear that the new president sees it as more important that the RMB exchange rate or other issues in the bilateral relationship. In that case, “freedom of navigation” there could be used by Trump as a bargaining chip in negotiations about issues that concern him more.
- Wang Zhen , Director of Security Studies Program, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences
Mar 09 , 2017America’s biggest enemy today is neither China nor Russia, but its own identity crisis. Resorting to out-of-date thinking to seek a new “balancing” strategy of realigned alliances makes no sense in today’s economically interdependent world. Turning potential friends into foes, on the other hand, could lead the country in a terrible direction.
- J. Berkshire Miller , International Affairs Fellow (Hitachi), Council on Foreign Relations (Tokyo)
Mar 17 , 2017The swarm approach – by hitting Beijing on multiple issues in at once in a flurry – seems to be calculated upon Trump’s own business approach. This projects that Trump’s “leverage” over Beijing would compel painful concessions from China on core issues because of its fear over Washington’s scorn and threats.
- Zhang Xinbo , Assistant Research Fellow, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations
Mar 06 , 2017Sending the first US aircraft-carrier combat group to patrol the South China Sea since the Philippines arbitration has unsettled the region. The US military should promote new trust-building with its Chinese counterpart, and the administration can ease tensions with a clear statement on sovereignty over South China Sea features.
- Trump should be wary of two major traps that history has set for him - the “Thucydides Trap", as well as the “Kindleberger Trap”: a China that seems too weak rather than too strong.