Beijing is imposing high standards on itself, while he United States seems to be overpromising and underdelivering. It should shoulder its responsibility, along with Europe to lead emissions reductions and provide developing countries with the necessary financial and technological support to succeed.
Chinese President Xi Jinping speaking during the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) 2025. (Photo: United Nations)
A video speech by Chinese President Xi Jinping was delivered at the United Nations Climate Summit in September. He said that on the 10th anniversary of the Paris Agreement, it’s important for all countries to firm up their confidence, live up to their responsibilities and deepen their cooperation.
In addition, Xi announced China’s new Nationally Determined Contribution target for 2035. At a time when the U.S. is backsliding on its climate policy and the European Union is lowering the priority of its green transition agenda amid frequent extreme weather events, China’s new round of NDCs has injected confidence into global climate governance.
The world is currently facing grave challenges in tackling climate change. A study found that implementing the previous round of NDCs submitted by parties to the Paris Agreement would lead to warming of 2.8 C, far below the goals of the agreement. Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Simon Stiell, executive secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, believe that China’s updated NDCs will bring hope to global climate governance.
Meanwhile, there are voices of criticism. Some observers claim that China lacks ambition and that its reduction targets are set from an undefined carbon peak. The questions emerge because these critics ignore the common but differentiated responsibilities and zoom in on China with a magnifier. They even expect China to singlehandedly get global warming back onto the 1.5 C pathway.
We can respond by addressing three questions:
• First, does China lack ambition?
The perception of China falling short on ambition is a common starting point for the skeptics. Here is their logic: As the largest greenhouse gas emitter but at the same time a renewable energy giant, China is the most malleable and capable country to prevent the world from sliding into a climate disaster. Therefore, securing China’s full efforts means most issues in climate change can be readily solved. In this way China must aim for unrealistically ambitious goals to project an image as a responsible global power.
I believe the fundamental flaw in this argument is rooted in insufficient understanding of China’s national conditions and disregard for the differentiated responsibilities that other countries should bear in dealing with climate change. As the world’s biggest developing country, China’s emissions are high because its massive population and its position in the middle and low end of the division of labor means that a significant portion of its emissions come from the production of consumer goods.
China’s actual per capita carbon emissions are much lower than those of developed countries such as the United States. Moreover, China is currently engaged in a dual process — a green transition and simultaneous economic development. On one hand, more time is needed to decouple its traditional economic development model and carbon emissions. On the other, its green technology and industries are gaining momentum and consequently a competitive edge. Therefore, China continues to lag behind the developed world — including the EU, which decoupled carbon emissions from economic growth and has taken the lead in the advancement of green technology.
For the EU, exceptional capability and high ambition are twins, whereas for China, which is still building its capability, further raising ambitions could strain its existing green development achievements.
• Second, has China made progress on its own trajectory in fighting climate change?
The Paris Agreement requires participating countries to demonstrate progress in reducing emissions by submitting and updating their NDCs. China’s 2035 NDC targets, building on its precious commitments for 2030, show substantial progress.
The new NDCs (using the UAE Consensus reached at the COP28 in Dubai as the bench mark) cover a much larger scope through economy-wide mitigation actions that encompass all greenhouse gases. It’s the first time that non-CO2 greenhouse gases, such as methane, nitrous oxide and fluorinated gases, have been included in the scope of total emissions control. Then, more stringent emission targets are proposed.
China is committed to reducing economy-wide net greenhouse gas emissions by 7 to 10 percent below peak levels by 2035, setting its first absolute emissions targets. Another area of progress is a larger installed capacity of new energy. China pledges to install a combined capacity of at least 3.6 terawatts of solar and wind power by 2035, triple the 2030 figure.
Innovation in policy tools is also driving progress. China will expand the National Carbon Emissions Trading Market to cover major high-emission sectors, establish a climate-adaptive society and continue to make new-energy vehicles the mainstream choice in new car sales.
• Third, what are the highlights in China’s climate actions compared with those of other countries?
Developed and developing countries have different responsibilities and capabilities in fighting climate change. China’s biggest advantage is its policy stability and strong execution. In the EU, climate-skeptics and far-right politicians have gained increasing visibility. Coupled with lackluster economic growth in many of its member states, obstacles and challenges remain on the path toward climate neutrality. On the other side of the Atlantic, the U.S. seems to be overpromising while underdelivering.
Under Joe Biden, the administration submitted the NDCs just before Donald Trump’s return to office, so whether the Trump government will fulfill the commitments remains to be seen. Because of the way the Democratic and Republican parties alternate in power, the federal government’s wavering stance on climate policy is well known. By withdrawing from the Kyoto Protocol and twice from the Paris Agreement, the U.S. has caused unparalleled damage to global climate governance. Trump, a climate skeptic who called climate change “the greatest con job ever perpetrated on the world” has significantly expanded fossil fuel production and consumption. It is estimated that U.S. will add 4 billion tons of pollution to the atmosphere by 2030, thereby offsetting constructive global efforts.
In recent decades, China has gone all out in response to the climate crisis. The EU has given itself 71 years and the U.S. 43 years to move from carbon peaking to carbon neutrality. China has allowed itself only 30 years. This requires arduous effort. China will accelerate its actions to address this enormous issue as it promotes international cooperation and the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.
At the same time, it should be noted that China’s efforts alone are far from sufficient. To avoid a climate catastrophe and benefit generations to come, countries around the world should make joint efforts. Developed countries, in particular — such as the U.S. and Europe —should shoulder their responsibility by taking the lead in emissions reduction and providing developing countries with necessary financial and technological support to address climate change.
