Whether the dream is making America great again or the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the aspirations of the two countries’ respective peoples for a better life should drive every decision. Neither people will succeed without a sound external environment. Slogans are not enough.
Recently, I came across a series of articles in the U.S. media claiming that the policies adopted by the Trump administration are making China “great again” — not the United States. These narratives argue that the current U.S. foreign policy will undermine America’s economy, society and global standing, thereby creating a favorable external environment for China.
According to this view, such conditions will enable China to expand its global influence in areas such as trade, renewable energy and global governance, and as the U.S. declines China will inevitably take its place. This line of reasoning once again reveals a lack of confidence among certain American voices and a deep anxiety, or even fear, about China’s development — especially the prospect of China surpassing the United States. It fails to view China’s progress objectively.
At present, the United States is indeed facing a range of challenges:
In the political domain, deep divisions between the two major parties persist. Economically, slowing growth and rising inflation coexist. In the midyear market outlook published by J.P. Morgan Research, the U.S. GDP growth outlook was lowered to 1.3 percent, down from 2.0 percent.
In the diplomatic domain, the tariff wars initiated by Donald Trump have triggered a crisis of trust among U.S. allies and have damaged the country’s international image. According to a recent Pew Research Center survey, approval of the United States has dropped to 35 percent across high-income countries, the lowest level since 2017.
But all these challenges are the result of America’s own policies; they are not the result of China’s strategic intentions or the inevitable consequence of China’s development. The U.S. should not link its internal problems to China. Some Americans have bought in to narratives such as “the U.S. is helping China” or even “China is replacing the U.S.,” which not only fail to address the real issues but may lead to a new kind of McCarthyism as they further deepen societal polarization.
Watch the video produced and published by Republican Accountability PAC Inc.
In the 1950s, as the United States faced challenges from the Soviet Union, feelings of insecurity and anxiety grew. Aided by political propaganda, these sentiments quickly penetrated all sectors of society, giving rise to the extreme political movement named for the reactionary senator from Wisconsin, Joseph McCarthy, who served from 1947-57.
In the name of national security, McCarthy and his cronies launched large-scale “witch hunts” to ferret out communist sympathizers in government and elsewhere. During that period, tens of thousands of Americans were accused of being “pro-communist” or “sympathizers of the Communist Party.” Society was plunged into suspicion and division. The basic rights of some ordinary citizens were systematically violated. The core values on which the U.S. prides itself, such as freedom, equality and democracy, were weakened. Academic and cultural diversity suffered a severe blow.
Senator Joseph McCarthy testifies against the U.S. Army during the Army-McCarthy hearings, Washington, DC, June 9, 1954. His anti-communist hysteria, the movement primarily known as the Red Scare, left a mark on the U.S.
Nowadays, still some people in U.S., with no factual basis, make unfounded accusations and level presumptions of guilt against China for a range of ills. They have attempted to shift the blame for domestic problems from America itself, where it belongs, to external players. Such narratives not only mislead the public but also risk repeating the mistakes of the McCarthy era.
What is truly undermined is the diverse foundation of American society and the country’s global credibility.
History has shown clearly that threats only breed panic, and shifting responsibility cannot solve problems. The buzzwords “Make America Great Again” are empty until pragmatic policies and extensive cooperation are developed. Creating imaginary enemies will never work.
The world can accommodate the common development of all countries, and the vast Pacific Ocean is more than enough to embrace both China and the United States. Treating China as a partner rather than a competitor is the rational choice for avoiding misjudgments and conflicts between the two countries and the way to build a stable world order.
Moreover, the world today still has many issues that urgently require joint efforts by China and the U.S. to solve. For example, peace in the Middle East remains a distant prospect; global climate is undergoing changes that may soon be irreversible, with extreme weather events on the increase and a chain of ecological crises; the Fourth Industrial Revolution, centered on artificial intelligence, is restructuring production relationships, while risks related to technological ethics, cybersecurity and unemployment are rising simultaneously.
China and the United States are major powers and should shoulder their responsibilities as such, working together to address such global challenges. Whether the dream is making America great again or the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the aspirations of their respective peoples for a better life are the drivers. Neither people will succeed without a sound external environment.
At the same time, the expectations of the international community go beyond simple slogans. The world looks to China and the U.S. to jointly make the our shared planet a better place. The U.S. should recognize that building a community with a shared future for mankind is a rational choice and that both countries can break free from zero-sum games and achieve win-win results. Even more, this is the key to solving various global challenges and promoting common prosperity.
Yet when the U.S. talks about strategic competition, it often overlooks the practical foundation and conditions required to join hands with China for common progress. In terms of economic structure, the two countries are highly complementary: The U.S. has advantages in high-end technologies, capital, branding and global market influence. China excels in manufacturing capacity, industrial chains and a massive consumer market.
Last year, China-U.S. bilateral trade reached as high as $688.3 billion, despite ongoing frictions, proving that even against a backdrop of tense economic and trade relations, market forces continue to drive the underlying economic ties between the two countries. This renders decoupling and supply chain severance a nonstarter.
In the fields of climate change and public health, China and the U.S. have a solid foundation for cooperation. On issues such as artificial intelligence, counterterrorism and nuclear non-proliferation, both have the responsibility and capability to promote global rules. Most important the common aspirations of the people of both countries for a peaceful and stable development environment has laid a solid foundation for win-win cooperation.
