Beijing and Dhaka in a New Political Era: Sovereignty, Strategy, and Strategic Trust
Professor Dr. Sujit Kumar Datta
Former Chairman, Department of International Relations, University of Chittagong, Bangladesh.
And
Director, Hong Kong Research Center for Asian Studies-Bangladesh Center (RCASBC).
Email: datta.ir@cu.ac.bd
The first step after the recent general election (12 th February, 2026) in Bangladesh marks a new political chapter not only for the country but also for long-term international relations. Among them, the bilateral relations with China may be taken as an example of stability, practicality, and mutual respect. Bangladesh is also entering a new stage of politics, and since the country has been linked to Beijing since the earliest diplomatic correspondence, there is continuity and future in its relations with Beijing. Diplomatic relations between the two countries began in 1976, when Bangladesh and China established bilateral ties during the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government. At that point, Beijing has maintained the same policy: respecting Bangladesh's domestic issues, not intervening in its internal political processes, and engaging with any government in Dhaka based on the principle of mutual benefit. The effectiveness of such a strategy has enabled China to maintain stable and healthy relations with successive governments, including the BNP government and other governments. The model of cooperation and trust between Beijing and Dhaka remains as topical and powerful today as it was when the new government took office.
The relationship between China and Bangladesh has evolved into a subtle one that spans 50 years, not only in the economic sphere but also in technological and geographic spheres. Intertrade between the two nations is on the rise, as China is emerging as one of Bangladesh's largest trade partners. The Chinese investment in Bangladesh over the last two years has focused on infrastructure projects, including highways, bridges, ports, and energy installations, which have been a significant driver of Bangladesh's economic growth. It is also suggestive that the character of the Chinese interaction in Bangladesh has never ceased to be characterized by the principle of win-win; no, the projects are not simply optimally positioned so that they will serve the strategic interests of China, but are rather geared towards the vision of developing in Bangladesh and this is a display of a cognizance of mutual gain in a profound manner.
The unwavering adherence to the principle of non-intervention in internal politics has always been a hallmark of China's foreign policy toward Bangladesh. This has been pragmatically presented in the past. The Chinese were keen to establish an effective relationship with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) as early as 1976, when the Chinese realised that continuity between states was necessary rather than ideological partisanship. This history is vital in the current day. The materialist pragmatism of construction, i.e., the building of bridges, power stations, and digital infrastructure, is contrasted with procedural arguments, which halt many of the projects fronted by the West in the case of Beijing.
Bangladesh is special in South Asia. The fact that it controls the Bay of Bengal gives it an essential presence in the sea, both in interconnectivity between South Asia and Southeast Asia and as a future gateway for trade, energy, and security partnerships. The Bay of Bengal is an important trade and energy route, and this aspect is important to regional connectivity. The example of Bangladesh shows the need for a balanced approach to foreign relations so that national interests, sovereignty, and sustainable development can be achieved through the exploitation of this geographic advantage. The historic policy of non-interference and non-intervention in Bangladesh's internal affairs is an opportunity Bangladesh has enjoyed since time immemorial, allowing it to engage with other nations positively without risking its political autonomy.
The China-Bangladesh relations have mostly been pragmatic diplomacy. Beijing has traditionally had good relations with the BNP, which began with the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1976, and has since engaged with governments led by other parties. This concession is to illustrate China's recognition that Bangladesh's politics is dynamic and that bilateral harmony can only be achieved when there is consistency and respect, not a temporary relationship with a given political party. In the Dhaka case, it is an opportunity to build the nation without any external power or political requirements.
The new government in Bangladesh has its opportunities as well as responsibilities in the international arena. A moderate foreign policy will be witnessed. The other partners that Dhaka must negotiate with on the international front are the United States, India, Japan, and the European Union, although China is an ancient partner that offers investment, technology, and infrastructure. A moderate position will be appropriate, as it ensures that Bangladesh receives the best benefits from any form of partnership without jeopardizing its national interests and sovereignty.
One aspect of the relations between China and Bangladesh is continuity. The Beijing plan has been long-term and also future-oriented. Another platform on which Bangladesh can enhance its infrastructure, trade, and connectivity to both local and international markets is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Chinese companies would be willing to enter into a joint venture with Dhaka on a project that could be employed to achieve the development requirements of Bangladesh in the establishment of deep-sea ports, renewable energy, and industrial sectors. It must be noted that all these are driven by the concepts of equality and respect, which ensure that Bangladesh has and manages its economic agenda.
The Balanced Foreign Policy will be the main significant challenge encountered once a new government takes power in Dhaka. The problem of being pushed to extremes either way can be paralyzing in a world increasingly defined by concepts such as weaponized interdependence or transactional diplomacy. However, the path towards achieving the vision of having Bangladesh on top is the right one. It is neither an anti-globalization concept nor an internationally achieved policy of survival and strategic freedom, but an interest-first strategy. However, maintaining its ties with Beijing, Dhaka will be able to stay in a position to further address its structural developmental imbalances not only in the sourcing of high-tech infrastructural amenities as well as energy grids it requires in the 2030s, but also in the maintenance of its sovereign jurisdiction, remaining able to associate itself with other global partners.
More than the economic environment, cultural and human-to-human interaction have enhanced the bilateral interrelationship. The learning partnerships, established through scholarship programs and collective research efforts, have led to knowledge of one another and friendship between the two countries. These relations are alongside official diplomacy, creating trust and goodwill that surpass political changes on both sides. These cultural bridges serve as a stabilizing factor when the new government tries to haggle over its domestic and foreign policy agenda, since the focus is on the scale and intensity of bilateral relations.
A lot of what the new Bangladeshi government has learned is based on its history. Firstly, there should be uniformity in foreign policy for long-term growth. The sudden shift in the diplomatic approach is likely to ruin the years of work. Second, a proximate attitude toward China could form the basis for regional connectivity, economic growth, and the promotion of technologies. Third, the capacity to balance relations with other international partners would ensure that Bangladesh has strategic autonomy, so that every relationship is used to advance the nation's interests without being dependent on any particular actor.
In summary, the politics of the arrival of a new government in Bangladesh is a sensitive phenomenon. Continuity and pragmatism, however, when applied to international relations, particularly to China, should enlighten Dhaka on how to handle the situation. The Chinese and Bangladeshi histories of mutual respect, non-intervention, and win-win cooperation reveal the 50 years of bilateral relations between Beijing and Dhaka. China's willingness to cooperate with any government in Bangladesh, including the BNP, since 1976, demonstrates its commitment to a stable, positive relationship. Bangladesh is strategically significant in the Bay of Bengal in the future as the country grows in both economic and population capacity, giving it a central role in South Asia. A moderate foreign policy, protection of national interests, and pragmatism in relations with the leadership in Beijing will provide the new government with an opportunity to solidify the pattern of development in Bangladesh and contribute to the further evolution of relations that have withstood the test of time. Such a new political chapter in Dhaka and Beijing will help them build on their long-standing friendship, marked by trust, goodwill, and prospects of prosperity and stability.
It is not hard to guess in which direction the future lies: continuity, mutuality, and the process of strategic thinking are the foundation of relations between China and Bangladesh. The principles by which it has been conducted in the past fifty years, i.e., non-interference, pragmatism, and win-win cooperation, will explain how it is a new step in the realm of politics that will be stable and prosperous, as it is amiable.
（Written in English)
