The current U.S. policy toward Southeast Asia is generating a range of negative effects. If the United States fails to adjust its competitive, confrontational and self-serving foreign policy, its influence in the region is likely to face further decline.

Donald Trump’s fixation on Cuba is driven by a combination of strategic and political considerations: a “Western Hemisphere first” approach, tactics to advance the Trump Doctrine and the practical aim of replicating the Venezuelan model to bolster the U.S. president’s midterm election prospects.

Even as Israeli bombs rained down on Lebanon, most of the world breathed a cautious sigh of relief when news broke that Pakistan had mediated a ceasefire between the United States and Iran, with the goal of reopening the Strait of Hormuz.

The visit of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi to the United States showcased the internal solidarity of the alliance. But an official U.S. report warned Tokyo against escalating tensions with China.

It’s no secret that the relationship between Asia’s two largest states is far from friendly, but the present window of opportunity for new global leaders to take center-stage could turn things around if both play to their strengths.

The U.S.-Israel war with Iran is exposing widening reluctance among American allies to support the conflict, signaling potential erosion in U.S. global influence. At the same time, moves to bypass the U.S. dollar in oil trade, amid growing Chinese involvement, could challenge the petrodollar and reshape the global energy order.

While leaning toward the United States, President Javier Milei has been adjusting ties with China. Given the U.S. strategic narrative of “Western Hemisphere First,” his approach to balancing relations with Beijing and Washington may serve as a bellwether for the foreign policy strategies of other countries across the region.

Each has three core national objectives that are internally contradictory. Any two can be pursued simultaneously, but never all three. Until these triangles are broken, there will be no lasting peace in the Middle East—only the same fire burning in different forms.

The security foundation on which the GCC’s economic model was built has been seriously undermined. Unless these nations can forge a new, credible framework, it will be difficult to sustain the foreign investment and confidence that have fueled their growth.

The war against Iran is not going well for Israel, which is being bombarded daily, nor is it going well for the US, which has seen its military bases and strategic facilities in the region attacked and degraded by Iranian drones and missiles. Of course, Iran suffers most of all, but it has shown a remarkable capacity to fight a war of attrition, despite the dreadful daily onslaught from the skies. Its reconstituted leadership has shown not a hint of the “unconditional surrender” that Trump is demanding.