Tensions between the United States and China over cyber security appear to be coming to a head. A recent U.S. National Intelligence Estimate singled out China as the country most aggressively engaging in commercial cyber espionage against the U.S. private sector.

The recent allegation that Chinese military was behind hacker attacks” against US websites by certain US firms and media are not only annoying but also laughable, write officers at China's Ministry of National Defense.

Although some Obama advisers have recommended harsh action in response to China’s cyberespionage, China is unlikely to respond as they may hope. The spying will continue and probably intensify regardless of what the United States does.

Adam Segal looks at the evidence from the hacking scandal that has rocked the US media world. He writes that the evidence that the hackers are China-based in all of these cases is suggestive, but not conclusive.

North Korea's third nuclear test is a game changer not only for the United States and Japan, but also for the regime’s last ally, China. The official Chinese reaction to North Korea’s latest provocation was stern: China is “strongly dissatisfied and resolutely opposed” to the test, and it is calling for the resumption of international talks.

While the United Nations Security Council discusses the possibility of even more sanctions against North Korea, Su Xiaohui promotes a new approach to stabilize tensions.

Following the Democratic People's Republic of Korea’s third nuclear explosion test, Tao Wenzhao writes that six-party talks must continue to address the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula; and suggests that the DPRK should be gradually let into the international community, especially the East Asian regional community.

The New York Times recently claimed it was “attacked by Chinese hackers,” but the US has yet to produce any damning evidence to support the wild accusations.

Following the most recent North Korean missile launch, Doug Bandow argues that Washington must relearn the art of diplomacy in order to encourage Chinese pressure on Kim Jong-un.

This essay dissects the implications of China’s “Internet Sovereignty” policy following WCIT-12. Offered as an alternative vision to the U.S.’s “Internet freedom” agenda, the Chinese approach holds sway in the Global South as we enter a new Internet world no longer dominated by liberal democracies.