Yang Wenjing, Research Professor, Institute of American Studies, CICIR
Feb 02, 2016
There are voices inside China as well as the US that urge Beijing to punish North Korea’s “bad behavior” more harshly. But China and the US interpret the very end and means of the situation differently, In China’s mind, the situation is more a US responsibility rather than China’s, and use of coercion as the dominant tool has been proved ineffective.
Richard Weitz, Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute
Feb 02, 2016
PRC policy makers have found themselves cross-pressured: They would prefer that Pyongyang refrain from provocative actions like nuclear weapons testing, yet are unwilling to impose the substantial pressure on the DPRK desired by the United State for fear that its regime would collapse and China would suffer economic and security costs.
Doug Bandow, Senior Fellow, Cato Institute
Jan 21, 2016
The lesson of the DPRK’s latest nuclear test is that talking to North Korea offers a better hope of success than ignoring it. But then, that’s what Beijing has been telling the U.S. for a long time.
George Koo, Retired International Business Consultant and Contributor to Asia Times
Jan 18, 2016
George Koo describes how a treaty between the U.S. and North Korea was within grasp until George W. Bush’s administration halted the proceedings. Since then, dealing with Pyongyang has become a blame game between the U.S. and China.
Ted Galen Carpenter, Senior Fellow, Randolph Bourne Institute
Jan 15, 2016
Washington should propose a “grand bargain” to Pyongyang by formally ending the state of war on the Korean Peninsula, lifting of all except narrowly defined military sanctions against the North, and U.S. diplomatic recognition of the North Korean regime. In exchange, Pyongyang would agree to place its nuclear program under international safeguards and extend diplomatic recognition to South Korea.
Fan Jishe, Professor, the Central Party School of Communist Party of China
Jan 08, 2016
“Strategic Patience” has not served the US well as a policy, nor has a collection of unilaterally pursued sanctions, diplomatic pressure, isolation and military deterrence. Even late in a president’s second term, there is an opportunity to shift gears and seek a new approach.
Li Shaoxian, President, China Institute for The Study of Arabian Countries, Ningxia University
Aug 24, 2015
The Iranian nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Cooperation Plan of Action, is attributable to foreign policy adjustments by both the US and Iran, and the decision to meet each other half way.
Wu Sike, Member on Foreign Affairs Committee, CPPCC
Aug 20, 2015
The recent agreement hammered out by major powers, the UN and Iran set a powerful example for resolving regional and international problems. The hard work is far from over, as suspicion lingers in Washington, Tehran and some Arab capitals, but the success so far shows that difficult issues can be resolved through negotiation when all parties are sincere about achieving a result.
Richard Weitz, Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute
Jul 31, 2015
Although the recent Iran nuclear agreement is welcome, China and the U.S. have important tasks to perform to keep Iran from becoming a real, as opposed to a virtual, nuclear weapons state. The Iranian model will not apply to Korea and other proliferation challenges given the different elements of these threats.
Yang Jiemian, Senior Fellow and Chairman of SIIS Academic Affairs Council
Jul 28, 2015
As the world becomes increasingly multi-polar, there has been much discussion of a new model for major-power relations and how they might shape a modern world order. The recent breakthrough in negotiations with Iran shows that the idea is moving from rhetoric to reality.