Language : English 简体 繁體
Economy

The Diminishing Returns of U.S. Trade Aggression: Time for A Rethink

Nov 10, 2025
  • Warwick Powell

    Adjunct Professor at Queensland University of Technology, Senior Fellow at Beijing Taihe Institute

China-U.S.-trade.jpg

In the geopolitical theater of 2025, the United States’ trade posture toward China exemplifies a pattern of escalating threats that yield diminishing strategic returns. As of October 22, 2025, President Trump’s administration has intensified tariff warnings, proposing duties as high as 155% on Chinese goods effective November 1, amid stalled negotiations over rare earths, fentanyl, and agricultural purchases. This approach, rooted in a belief in American economic primacy, overlooks the evolving realities of global interdependence. China’s economy, with a projected nominal GDP of approximately $19.5 trillion this year, demonstrates resilience that renders U.S. leverage increasingly illusory. The core asymmetry lies not in raw economic size - the U.S. at $28 trillion maintains nominal superiority - but in structural composition and adaptability. China absorbs trade shocks with minimal long-term disruption, while U.S. policies risk self-imposed isolation and inefficiency.

Diminished Leverage

Consider the macroeconomic framework. China’s exports to the U.S. represent about 2.8% of its GDP, or roughly $500-560 billion annually. A complete trade severance, as implied by 100-155% tariffs, would initially reduce China’s annual GDP growth rate by an estimated 0.144%. This figure accounts for the value-added component of exports (typically 50-70% of gross value) and offsets from halting U.S. imports (0.8-1% of GDP, or $150-180 billion). Using the expenditure approach - GDP = Consumption (C) + Investment (I) + Government Spending (G) + Net Exports (X - M) - the net trade balance loss is approximately 1.8% of GDP. Yet, this is mitigated by China’s diversified economy: domestic consumption (40-50% of GDP) and investment (40%) provide buffers, while fiscal loosening - such as infrastructure stimulus equivalent to 1-2% of GDP - can restore growth trajectories within 12 months. Recent data underscores this: China’s Q3 2025 GDP growth was 4.8%, down slightly from Q2’s 5.2% but aligned with forecasts, reflecting robust exports (up 8.3% year-over-year in September) despite global headwinds, and solid domestic investment and consumption growth.

In contrast, U.S. growth projections for 2025 hover at 1.4-2.0% as private debt leverage creates new risks, compounding concerns about AI-driven stock market bubbles. Energy system constraints, driving rising electricity costs, are impacting ambitions to reindustrialise while also placing households under increasing cost of living pressures. Tariffs exacerbate these pressures by inflating import costs, which feed into consumer prices and dampen corporate margins. The U.S. imports $462 billion from China annually (1.6% of GDP), including critical inputs for manufacturing. About 40% of US imports from China are intermediate or capital goods. These are products used by US companies for their own production, such as parts for manufacturing machinery, autos, and electronics, rather than finished consumer goods. A trade cutoff would disrupt supply chains, potentially shaving 0.5-1% off U.S. GDP through reduced investment (I) and consumption (C).

Agriculture illustrates this mismatch. U.S. soybean farmers, concentrated in Midwest states, have seen exports to China plummet 78% since January 2025, with total agricultural sales down 53%. Trump’s demands for China to resume purchases - quadrupling pre-boycott levels - stem from domestic political imperatives, as farmers face unprofitable harvests and seek alternative crops. China, however, has diversified to Brazil, Argentina and Russia, covering 80% of its needs without urgency to concede. This adaptation, honed since the 2018 trade war, incurs marginal costs but avoids dependency. Trump’s $40 billion aid to Argentina - framed as stabilizing a key ally - ironically enables it to supply China with soybeans under tax-free terms, bypassing U.S. producers. American ranchers and farmers absorb the fallout, with beef imports from Argentina potentially undercutting domestic markets.

Aerospace reveals similar dynamics. Trump’s threats of export controls on Boeing aim to restrict China’s access to U.S. technology, yet they accelerate shifts to alternatives. On October 21-22, 2025, Airbus CEO Guillaume Faury met with China’s Commerce Minister Wang Wentao, reaffirming cooperation and inaugurating a second A320 assembly line in Tianjin, doubling capacity for the Chinese market. Chinese airlines are poised to order up to 300 Airbus jets, potentially by November, amid European diplomatic visits. Boeing, hampered by production delays and safety concerns, risks losing 20% of its historical deliveries to China. This pivot not only sustains China’s aviation sector but erodes U.S. export revenues, contributing to job losses in Washington state. The U.S. response - escalating controls - hastens bifurcation, as China invests in domestic alternatives like Comac, further isolating American firms from the world’s largest aviation market.

Rare earth elements (REEs) compound this structural disadvantage. China controls 37-50% of global reserves (44 million metric tons) and 85-90% of refining capacity, enabling high-purity processing essential for AI, EVs and defense. Tightened export controls announced October 9 2025 threaten U.S. supply chains, where China supplies 70-80% of REEs directly or indirectly. The U.S.-Australia framework, signed October 20, commits $8.5 billion ($1 billion each initially) to mining and processing, aiming to unlock an estimated $53 billion in deposits. However, Australia’s reserves (3.4-5.2 million tons, 4-5% globally) and nascent processing - Lynas achieved non-Chinese commercial production in May 2025 - offer no short-term relief. Scaling to compete requires 10+ years, hampered by infrastructure, environmental regulations, technology and expertise gaps. Meanwhile, China may accommodate Europe on REEs to fracture Western unity, as incentives align for deals on EVs and tech. For the U.S., disruptions could delay AI chip production by 6-18 months and raise battery costs 30-50%, costing $150-300 billion in AI and energy sectors.

Financial dimensions further erode U.S. leverage. China’s $731 billion in U.S. Treasuries - down from peaks above $1 trillion - provide a latent threat. In a no-trade scenario, reduced USD recycling diminishes devaluation concerns; a 10% price drop costs $73 billion (0.4% of GDP), tolerable amid diversification to gold and euros. A full sell-off is improbable, but threats - via media signals or small sales - could spike yields 0.2-0.5%, adding $20-50 billion to U.S. debt costs and depreciating the dollar 2-5%. This amplifies inflation and borrowing pressures, constraining fiscal responses.

The broader implication is a trajectory toward economic bifurcation. U.S. pursuit of what in effect is looking increasingly like autarky risks isolating “transatlantic nations and Pacific allies” in fragmented supply chains. Global trade fragmentation could elevate costs, stifle innovation and accelerate de-dollarization, as BRICS nations pivot to yuan and other national currency settlements.

This analysis reveals a pattern of miscalculation: U.S. threats, while vociferous, encounter a China capable of strategic patience and push-back. China’s adaptations - diversifying trade networks and investing domestically - minimize adjustment costs, while U.S. actions amplify self-harm. For global observers, this underscores that American posturing often exceeds executable influence, inviting reevaluation of alliances. Domestically, the path forward requires recalibrating toward multilateral engagement to mitigate isolation and economic drag. Absent adjustment, the U.S. risks entrenching a cycle of relative decline, where autarkic impulses yield poverty in opportunity and partnerships.

The Limits of Protectionism

An impoverished America serves neither its own interests nor those of the global community. A diminished U.S. economy would reduce aggregate demand for international goods and services, potentially slowing global growth by 0.5-1% annually in scenarios of prolonged contraction, per IMF projections. Yet, policies rooted in nostalgic appeals to past industrial dominance - such as intensified tariffs and trade restrictions - risk compounding rather than alleviating internal fragilities.

These include the over 60% of U.S. households living paycheck to paycheck, as reported in PNC Bank’s 2025 Financial Wellness survey (67%) and corroborated by Investopedia’s analysis (67%), alongside LendingClub’s range of 52-64%. Similarly, 20%+ of younger renters report skipping meals to afford housing, per Redfin’s August 2025 survey (22% for Gen Z and Millennials), while broader surveys like The Century Foundation’s indicate 25% of respondents skipped meals in the past year amid financial strain. Food insecurity affects over 13% of households (13.5% in 2023 USDA data, with indications of persistence into 2025), and private debt trends upward, with household balances reaching $17.8 trillion in Q2 2025 per the New York Fed. Delinquency rates for auto loans (5.0% 90+ days late) and credit cards (3.05%) are climbing to levels unseen since the early 2010s or 1990s for subprime segments, signaling systemic stress.

These indicators reflect deeper structural issues: wage stagnation relative to inflation, financialisation, inadequate social safety nets and unequal wealth distribution. Protectionist measures, such as tariffs, do not directly mitigate these. Instead, they introduce inflationary pressures, further straining households already allocating 30-50% of income to essentials. In a paycheck-to-paycheck economy, such cost increases exacerbate food insecurity and delinquency rates, as disposable income contracts without corresponding wage gains.

The rationale for trade wars often invokes job repatriation and supply chain security, yet empirical outcomes suggest limited efficacy. U.S. manufacturing employment has stabilized at around 13 million since 2010, with tariffs since 2018 yielding marginal gains (e.g., 1-2% in targeted sectors) but at the cost of higher input prices for downstream industries. Auto loans, for instance, face delinquency spikes partly due to elevated vehicle prices from tariff-induced supply constraints. Credit card delinquencies reflect broader consumer overextension, not alleviated by protectionism that raises everyday costs.

For the U.S., pursuing protectionist policies risks entrenching isolation. Efforts to decouple from China, such as the U.S.-Australia rare earths deal (October 2025), promise long-term diversification but deliver no immediate relief. This approach could elevate costs in critical industries, further pressuring households amid rising private debt ($17.8 trillion). The need for government funded price floors as part of the deal with Australia evidences the expectation that the policy trajectory is inflationary.

Exiting this trajectory requires pragmatic recalibration. Investments in education and workforce training could address wage gaps, reducing paycheck-to-paycheck dependency from 52-67% to pre-2010 levels (around 40%). Enhanced social supports - expanded food assistance or debt relief - would directly tackle food insecurity (13.5%) and meal-skipping (20-25% in key demographics), more effectively than tariffs. Multilateral trade engagement, rather than unilateral barriers, could secure supply chains without inflationary side effects, fostering growth that lifts all segments.

Trade wars offer no structural remedy to U.S. domestic challenges. They risk amplifying vulnerabilities - higher costs, isolated supply chains - while global counterparts adapt with comparatively less disruption. American aspirations to rising standards of living for the many, are better achieved through constructive engagement with global counterparts, as equals, rather than via disruptive trade wars that no-one really wins from - least of all the United States.

You might also like
Back to Top