The fine momentum of deepening China-US cooperation in various areas will inevitably extend into the upcoming new US presidency. Donald Trump and his team, who have won the election under the banner of “Make America Great Again”, should see that joining hands with China in the Asia-Pacific will result in a win-win scenario for both counties.

“Qualified” or not, the billionaire and reality TV star struck a chord with American voters, and his ideas on taxes, medical reform and other issues will evolve as the president-elect mends fences with his own party and develops his style of governance.

It remains to be seen whether the Trump-led US will be more self-confident, or more suspicious; continue embracing (though no longer enthusiastically) globalization, or nervously shrink back. The notion that businessman Trump will be more interested in cutting deals, and that his foreign policy will forsake persistent American values and criteria, is overly naive.

Donald Trump will be the next president of the United States, which could signal a new configuration for U.S.-China relations. Three options appear possible. First, Trump’s Administration could end up confusing China through a mixture of respect and intimidation. Second, Trump’s Administration could opt to preserve the status quo of economic engagement but American military superiority in East Asia. And Third, Trump’s Administration could seek to orient the bilateral relationship towards respect and mutual benefit, avoiding “self-damaging” competition. Which path will be taken will largely rest on the sort of people Trump appoints to his Administration.

Reacting to issues from Korea to the South China Sea, the next president of the United States should carefully build mutual confidence and reduce the possibility of risks. Holding the annual summit between the two leaders as early as possible in 2017 would be a great first step.

Based on conversations Kaiser Kuo and his wife Fanfan have had with Chinese and Chinese Americans since moving to North Carolina in person and on WeChat groups, the chief reasons behind the popularity of Trump with first-generation immigrants from the PRC are: affirmative action, sexual conservatism, racism, schadenfreude, and Clinton’s hawkishness, taxation, immigration, and personality.

In Europe, Asia, and South America, preferences for either Clinton or Trump differ based on the candidates’ views on trade, the economy, and foreign policy doctrine. Though Clinton is the preferred candidate in most areas, whoever the next U.S. president is will face significant challenges on several continents.

Hillary Clinton is expected to be more belligerent than Obama in dealing with Beijing. But the U.S. cannot expect confrontational or coercive tactics to succeed. Doing so could damage further cooperation between the two countries and drive Beijing closer to North Korea. Instead, the U.S. should aim to take a more diplomatic approach to their relationship with Beijing.

The critical U.S. presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton not only matters for China-U.S. relations, but also reflects how a new and potent form of isolationism is on the rise globally. Deep economic and cultural fissures are developing between those who can take advantage of globalization and those who lack the resources and skills to do so.

Rather than focusing on the nominees’ rhetoric, Professor Timothy Webster explores their actions vis-à-vis China and the international economy during their respective careers. Whoever wins in November, the next administration will likely enact a China policy stressing economic engagement, person-to-person interaction, and cooperation on a wide range of global challenges — despite fundamental disagreements with China about a number of issues.