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Foreign Policy

Building a Political Consensus on Syria

Nov 09 , 2012
  • Wu Sike

    Member on Foreign Affairs Committee, CPPCC

On October 31 in Beijing, Chinese foreign minister Yang Jiechi met Lakhdar Brahimi, the UN-Arab League Joint Special Envoy to Syria. During their hours-long talks, Yang expressed his great appreciation of and firm support for Brahimi’s arduous efforts to mediate the Syrian crisis. During their in-depth discussion of the latest development of the Syrian crisis, and ways and measures for its solution, Yang also put forward a four-point proposal for the resolution of the Syrian crisis, and assured Brahimi of the same support from China that his predecessor Kofi Annan had received. A continuation of the six-point proposal China had presented before, the new proposal by the Chinese foreign minister showed China’s great attention to and principled stance on the Syrian crisis. Even more encompassing, more pertinent, and more workable, this new initiative further revealed China’s sense of responsibility as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and its attitude towards handling international affairs in a comprehensive, impartial and pragmatic manner.

The continuous escalation of violence in Syria has pushed this Middle East country to a new crossroads and caused the whole world community greater concern and anxiety. As the UN-Arab League Joint Special Envoy to Syria, Brahimi has recently traveled to several countries of considerable weight in the Middle East and called for the conflicting parties in Syria to observe a truce during Eid al-Adha, a major Muslim festival. As all can see, the Syrian crisis is a continuation of the turbulence that began to sweep across West Asia and North Africa in early 2011. The turbulence began with the mass protests by local people calling for their governments to answer their most fundamental demand: the launch of political and social reforms. These movements were totally endogenous at the beginning. As external forces stepped in and intervened, however, they turned into scrambles for geopolitical interests, confrontations between different religious sects, and contests between big powers, complicating the overall situation with each passing day. ‘The Syrian crisis can never be contained within Syria. If not resolved, it will further aggravate and may spread to the whole region,’ Brahimi pointed out after completing his shuttle visit to the Middle East.

Deeply submerged in such a swirl of changes, what course Syria will choose will have a far-reaching influence on this region, and even remodel the development of the Arab world as a whole. As a bridge linking Asia, Europe and Africa, Syria has served as ‘the heart of the Middle East’ since ancient times. It is also closely interwoven with other Middle East countries in terms of nationality, region and ideology. In almost all of the hot issues of vital importance to this region, such as the peace talks between Palestine and Israel, the Iraq issue, the anti-terrorist campaigns, the prevention of nuclear proliferation (including the containment of nuclear development in Iran), and the issue concerning the Kurds, Syria has always played an indispensable role.

Having been involved in the Middle East affairs for more than 40 years, this author well knows the unique and important geographical and strategic position that Syria keeps. Lasting turbulence in Syria will be catastrophic not only for Syria itself, but also for West Asia and North Africa as a whole; and any effort to solve the Syrian crisis will have a direct bearing on the fundamental interests of the Syrian people and the peace and stability in the whole region as well.

Needless to say, the 19-month violent conflicts have sowed the seed of hatred in Syria and totally uprooted trust among the conflicting parties. Unless the international community comes up with an extensive consensus and works enthusiastically for its implementation, political dialogue and transition will hardly get started in Syria while sanguinary conflicts there will surely get even wilder and fiercer. An effective solution of the Syrian crisis will be a test of the courage of the conflicting parties to return to reason and to restore peace. It will also be a test of the competence of the UN Security Council to safeguard world peace. Violence will only devour human reason, and the suppression of violence through violence will further exacerbate the vicious swirling of the Syrian crisis and lead to even greater destruction. It is high time, therefore, for us to face up to the Syrian crisis, and stop all violence there. China’s stress, in its new proposal, on the conflicting parties’ observation of an all-round ceasefire and total ending of violence is the first step, while the actual actions to be taken by all the parties concerned with discarding past grievances and rebuilding mutual trust will be the gold key for opening the door of the political solution of the Syrian crisis. Rather than pouring oil on the flames, the international community should urge all the Syrian parties to exercise reason and restraint and express their respective political wills in a peaceful instead of violent manner. A political solution is the only way to solve the Syrian crisis, and it is also the solution that costs the least, that minimizes sequels, and that is most practical.

What calls for our attention is the fact that, insofar as the Syrian issue is concerned, the influences of big powers can never be ignored. This is because both the solution of the Syrian crisis and the future course of development of the overall situation in the whole Middle East hinge on the strategic mutual trust, coordination and cooperation between these powers. But will these big powers be able to work together? The key here lies in the principles they uphold and the ways they opt for the settlement of issues; two factors that have an immediate bearing on the stability and healthy development of the entire system of international relations. Just recently, armed frictions have broken out between Syria and its neighbor Turkey, posing a new challenge to the ability of the United Nations and the international community to handle a crisis. As China’s special envoy to the Middle East, this author has recently travelled to the United States and the United Nations to have an in-depth exchange of views with their representatives for Middle East affairs. To my great relief, both the UN and the US officials held the belief that any resort to force would only further deepen rather than defuse the Syrian crisis, and that a solution could be secured only through the joint efforts from the international community instead of any independent endeavor of a single country. The spillover effect of the escalating violence in Syria has already fermented into a big threat to neighboring countries, and its contagion across the whole region will do no good to any country. Both China and the United States oppose military intervention into the Syrian crisis, and stand for a political solution, a course that can be truly advanced, as the two powers have agreed, only by having a high regard for the reality, honestly warning the conflicting parties of the consequences, and influencing them in a positive manner.

Undoubtedly, any endeavor by the international community to discard past grievances and achieve consensus will be an effort of profound and far-reaching significance. If the various countries concerned have the courage to settle their differences and join hands for peace promotion within the framework of the UN charter and pertinent norms of international law, they will not only help the Syrian people get out of the hot water and save the region from endless turmoil, but also open up a new path for preventing similar armed conflicts in the future and broaden cooperation between different countries.

The political solution of the Syrian crisis should begin with the removal of its incubator. In other words, the Syrian parties concerned should be brought together for political discussions so that all the people get a chance to express their aspiration for reform and development. The Syrian government should also quicken its pace of political reforms so that its people can see their demands satisfied. The political dialogues should be all-inclusive, with neither the Syrian government nor the opposition being excluded. It is not so fearful to have participants taking different positions. So long as they follow the same direction, they will rendezvous sooner or later. Obviously, though, no political solutions should be sought at the cost of Syria’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.

Knowing its responsibilities and missions as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China has always stood firm for the purposes and principles of the UN charter and all other basic norms governing international relations. It is China’s strong call for all the Syrian parties concerned to join Brahimi in his mediation efforts. With help from this special UN-Arab League Joint Special Envoy, they may work out a roadmap of political transition and set up a provisional administrative body, although they should see to it that the existing state apparatus should be kept running efficiently. This might be the most feasible option for the political solution of the Syrian crisis. Put forward at a time when Brahimi was about to start his new mediation plan, China’s new four-point proposal is undoubtedly an expression of powerful support. It is our wish that this special UN-Arab League Joint Special Envoy will pool wisdom from all parties concerned and surmount whatever hurdles on his way to find a new political path leading to the total solution of the Syrian crisis.

Wu Sike is a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and member of the Foreign Policy Advisory Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

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