In order to overcome the buildup of strategic mistrust and rivalry, both governments must put aside their suspicions and be open to dialogues, workshops, seminars, and travel groups with the broadest array of participants from business, academic, NGO, scientific, media, and other expert communities that are focused on strategic issues.

Rogier Creemers argues that for global Internet continuity, the West must recognize China has legitimate interests and claims that must be respected, even if the foundational values of its political system are diametrically opposed. Conversely, China must come to terms with the fact that not all rules in the global playing field are sedulous attempts by the U.S. to expand its own power, and that it also must be bound by them in order to maintain global stability and prosperity.

In contrast to Jared McKinney’s recently reviewed “China Dream” by Liu Mingfu, Michael Pilsbury has a China Nightmare. The Dream is for China to become a powerful global leader that assumes its rightful place in the world as a respected and prestigious nation. The Nightmare is that China achieves this and then imposes its values on the world.

A string of achievements in his second term, even after a disastrous 2014 mid-term election, means the incumbent can be ranked among the nation’s high-achieving presidents, despite the fact that his efforts did little to change America’s outdated perspective on its place in world affairs.

Philip J. Cunningham examines the precarious nature of mass tourism. Both the cause, rooted in China’s steadily growing middle class and the effect, a surplus of tourists to Thailand. Cunningham measures the limited economic benefit, only grasped by those in a small circle of tourist service positions, against the edifying effect of world travel for the once working class.

Liu Mingfu’s 2010 book China Dream initially sparked a bidding war, only to be marginalized for fear that it would affect China-U.S. relations. From disrepute it became canonical after Xi Jinping delivered his 2012 “China Dream” speech. Sifting out rocks of Chinese exceptionalism, Jared McKinney explores the gems of insight found in Liu’s condemned and congratulated work.

As long as both Beijing and Taipei accept the historical truth of the “1992 consensus”, and identify with its core implications, the Chinese president pointed out, they will share a common political foundation for maintaining benign interaction.

China-related messaging from both parties has been scattered, providing limited examples and talking points for economic and foreign policy discussions and rarely ever drawing connections to Chinese American voters. Republicans will continue to lose the Asian American vote if they don’t reshape their stances on immigration, trade policy and defense. Democrats can expect to keep the Asian American vote in general elections, but candidates for internal races will perform better if they court Asian Americans for the party coalition.

The unspoken trade-off between the Chinese rulers and the ruled seems to be: If our lives improve, then you can remain in power. So far, the Chinese Communist Party has been adept at reading the tealeaves and adapting to the times, and will need to gradually change further as the economy slows down.

The campaign roils with entertaining tactics and distractions as voters shrug off elite candidates and embrace mavericks. There is no perfect presidential candidate or perfect president, and after weighing their advantages and disadvantages, the less disadvantaged should be chosen.