The EU’s pursuit of becoming an autonomous and influential global power, while balancing relationships with the U.S. and China, was jolted by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The EU aims to collaborate and compete as an equal with both powers, while improving its domestic strength, ensuring reciprocity, and linking trade to geopolitics, foreign policy, and security. And the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment, executing the EU strategy in Asia and the Indo-Pacific, and establishing a collective defense structure with operational objectives, are three projects that could help achieve these goals.

The EU’s pursuit of becoming an autonomous and influential global power, while balancing relationships with the U.S. and China, was jolted by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The EU aims to collaborate and compete as an equal with both powers, while improving its domestic strength, ensuring reciprocity, and linking trade to geopolitics, foreign policy, and security. And the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment, executing the EU strategy in Asia and the Indo-Pacific, and establishing a collective defense structure with operational objectives, are three projects that could help achieve these goals.

The EU’s pursuit of becoming an autonomous and influential global power, while balancing relationships with the U.S. and China, was jolted by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The EU aims to collaborate and compete as an equal with both powers, while improving its domestic strength, ensuring reciprocity, and linking trade to geopolitics, foreign policy, and security. And the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment, executing the EU strategy in Asia and the Indo-Pacific, and establishing a collective defense structure with operational objectives, are three projects that could help achieve these goals.

Europe faces three imperatives: It needs to seize the opportunity presented by China’s post-pandemic reopening; it needs China as a stabilizer, in light of the unpredictable prospect of peace in Eastern Europe; and it needs to rebalance its relationship with the United States because of dramatic international shifts in recent years.

Europe faces three imperatives: It needs to seize the opportunity presented by China’s post-pandemic reopening; it needs China as a stabilizer, in light of the unpredictable prospect of peace in Eastern Europe; and it needs to rebalance its relationship with the United States because of dramatic international shifts in recent years.

In his visit to China, the French president Emmanuel Macron presented views at odds with some others in Europe. America’s European allies appear to lack the mutual trust needed to reach key compromises. With Macron’s advocacy in play, unity may be difficult to achieve.

European interests, in France’s view, will be ignored under the U.S. grand strategy to preserve its hegemony, and so Europe should avoid becoming a U.S. pawn. But this idea has yet to find wide sympathy in Europe, which looks to the United States for its security.

China’s latest diplomatic win, an expansive agreement with France, goes a long way in confirming China’s dream of becoming a global hegemon. Yet with conflict raging in Europe to this day, the end of the road is nowhere near.

China’s latest diplomatic win, an expansive agreement with France, goes a long way in confirming China’s dream of becoming a global hegemon. Yet with conflict raging in Europe to this day, the end of the road is nowhere near.

China has kick-started a phase of public-facing diplomacy overtures, encompassing Europe, the Middle East, and its own situation with Taiwan. The wave of meetings and visits shows a remarkable change in China’s reception from the international community, as well as where it might still improve its relations.