Cooperating over North Korea is essential for both China and the U.S. – not just for the good of the DPRK, but for the Sino-American relationship at large.

China did not take the route of the United States and Soviet Union in the Cold War era but held to a rational, reasonable policy. Barring some major international shift, it’s a posture that’s not likely to change soon.

A popular view in China is that more nuclear weapons would garner respect from the international community. But it may only inspire fear, which would be counterproductive.

Although bilateral cooperation between China and the U.S. is sub-optimal at this moment, Beijing and Washington must not overlook other global challenges such as nuclear non-proliferation and arms control.

India and China’s nuclear deterrence allows both countries to undertake bilateral problem solving without fear of conflict escalation, while the United States and China can simultaneously work to reduce overall global nuclear risks.

Absent some substantive progress, the Korean Peninsula situation may well deteriorate significantly this year. To prevent a new escalation, the international community should make the DPRK aware of exactly what the red lines are.

As the president of the Republic of Korea reaches the halfway mark of his tenure, he has acquired some valuable experience for helping bring peace to the peninsula. It’s time to shift into high gear.

The tasks and timelines are complex, but it’s still possible to end the nuclear standoff on the Korean Peninsula once and for all. Time is short.

America’s apparent willingness, as part of a deal aimed at forestalling the rise of a new long-range missile threat, to accept a North Korea armed with short- to medium-range missiles is giving Japan the jitters.

Despite decades of strategic arms-control agreements and unilateral disarmament, the international community has no standardized way to guarantee that a country claiming to disarm is actually doing so.