Li Zheng, Assistant Research Processor, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations
May 20, 2022
With the shadow of the Russia-Ukraine crisis looming in the background, America’s midterm elections will be a test of voters’ mood. Donald Trump’s sway over the Republican Party will be reinforced or repudiated. But economic factors may be the decisive factor.
Yang Wenjing, Research Professor, Institute of American Studies, CICIR
May 18, 2022
Views differ on what triggered the current conflict. But whatever the pros and cons of NATO expansion, the conclusion must be that China, not Russia, is the greater long-term, structural and potentially lethal challenger to America.
Zhang Tuosheng, Principal Researcher at Grandview Institution, and Academic Committee Member of Center for International Security and Strategy at Tsinghua University
May 16, 2022
The phrase “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow” has been heard frequently in Taiwan since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. But separatists on the island are not sure the United States would come to their rescue if Beijing moved toward reunification.
Zhang Yun, Associate Professor at National Niigata University in Japan, Nonresident Senior Fellow at University of Hong Kong
Apr 20, 2022
The domestic and foreign policies of the United States will both return to the pragmatic tradition, partly because of the diverse nature of the country. At the same time, pragmatic diplomacy in a pluralistic world will improve international relations.
Sun Chenghao, Fellow, Center for International Security and Strategy of Tsinghua University; Visiting Scholar, Paul Tsai China Center of Yale Law School
Apr 20, 2022
The U.S. is currently attempting to lump China with Russia, but the conflict in Ukraine is not likely to change America’s competitive strategy toward China in the long run. The U.S. will continue to focus on the Indo-Pacific region.
Shen Yamei, Director, Department for American Studies, China Institute of International Studies
Apr 10, 2022
The international credibility of the United States has been thrown into question. Failure to deliver on promises and various signs of weakness will diminish trust in the U.S. by its allies, thus dampening its appeal and leadership.
Ni Feng, Deputy Director, Institute of American Studies, CASS
Mar 31, 2022
Expect China and the U.S. to remain in a state of strategic stalemate for a long time. The most dangerous moments in bilateral ties will be when the two countries strengths bump against one another. We must be fully prepared for that.
Sajjad Ashraf, Former Adjunct Professor, National University of Singapore
Mar 15, 2022
America finally issued a broad statement on its Indo-Pacific strategy, predictably addressing concerns about China’s influence and spelling out its intention to play into its allies' favor. Meanwhile, ASEAN must respond to the latest development to retain their own autonomy and stability in what many are sure to see as rising tensions.
Chen Jimin, Guest Researcher, Center for Peace and Development Studies, China Association for International Friendly Contact
Mar 14, 2022
The Biden administration recognizes the importance of sustained engagement in the region, but it can’t ignore Washington’s other interests around the world. Thus, the prospects for America’s Indo-Pacific Strategy are uncertain.
Sun Chenghao, Fellow, Center for International Security and Strategy of Tsinghua University; Visiting Scholar, Paul Tsai China Center of Yale Law School
Mar 10, 2022
Some believe the U.S. has the ability to take on a two-ocean strategy — the Atlantic and Indo-Pacific — but China-Russia issues loom large. They will guide the approach to China by the West.