Xianbo Wu MA Candidate, New York University
Nov 29 , 2017
China and South Korea agreed to normalize bilateral relations at the end of last month, officially ending the THAAD dispute. While Beijing’s economic coercion based on nationalism in the THAAD standoff seems worrying from the standpoint of a foreign observer, this is an isolated event and is unlikely to be repeated often.
Shaun Tan Writer based in Hong Kong
Nov 22 , 2017
The objections to THAAD are misguided. The more antiballistic missile systems the world has, the safer it will be.
Richard Weitz Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute
Sep 27 , 2017
Beijing and Washington do not want Iran or North Korea to possess nuclear weapons, test ballistic missiles, or engage in WMD proliferation. Despite their overlapping positions, the differences between the Trump and Xi administrations regarding these issues have been growing. Confidence-building and stability-enhancing measures could narrow these differences.
Dan Steinbock Founder, Difference Group
Sep 18 , 2017
As the US policy strategy has failed in the Korean Peninsula, ominous scenarios cast a shadow over the region - and the chance for peace.
Jeffrey Frankel Professor, Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government
Sep 11 , 2017
Trump imagines that he can use trade threats against China as “bargaining chips” to secure its help in dealing with North Korea. If so, he is on the wrong track. The U.S. and South Korea should be prepared to pause the deployment of THAAD (the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system) as a short-term gesture in return for China enacting and enforcing full sanctions.
Zhang Tuosheng Director, China Foundation for Int'l Strategic Studies
Jul 05 , 2017
Achieving denuclearization and peace on the Korean Peninsula should be the priority. The major concerns of all parties regarding national security should be understood, and an equilibrium point should be sought regarding security. Effectively managing concerns regarding THAAD is necessary to solve this difficult problem.
Kent Harrington a former senior CIA analyst, served as National Intelligence Officer for East Asia
Jun 23 , 2017
US President Donald Trump’s signature Asia policy – his pledge to stop North Korea’s development of nuclear weapons – should be a clear-cut example of American military resolve. Unfortunately for the region, it has proved to be anything but that.
Yue Li Senior Fellow, Pangoal Institution
Jun 20 , 2017
Moon needs practical and operational measurements and outcomes, as well as ambition and determination to tackle the challenges of inter-Korean relations. And yes, there surely are opportunities and advantages for the South Korea to take. But the government has to be very careful to turn them into positive forces, so that a revival of “Sunshine” isn’t weakened to mere “Moonlight” as the pessimists have predicted.
Doug Bandow Senior Fellow, Cato Institute
May 19 , 2017
North does not threaten America geographically as two nations do not share a land border, but President Trump apparently is certain that Pyongyang’s weapons programs are Washington’s problem. This prospect has pushed the Trump administration into frenetic if not necessarily productive activity.
Huang Jing Professor, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore
May 19 , 2017
China must reconsider its approach to the DPRK nuclear issue, reverse its passive strategic position, and not equate the security of North Korea with the security of the Kim regime. Beijing should openly state that it will neither allow a war in North Korea, nor merely look on while North Korea becomes Northeast Asia’s “Middle East”.