As the three-power “triangle” re-adjusts, China’s first priority is to be confident in the diplomatic achievements it has made over the past few decades. Putin has recently pledged to “cherish the Russia-China relationship,” and the deep foundation of China-US relations that has been laid over recent years should be solid enough to survive short-term pressures.

So where is the pivot? No, not the Obama Administration’s Asian pivot. I’m speaking of another pivot. This one was to occur when candidate Trump transformed from candidate to President-elect and then President.

While China must prepare worst-case scenarios in the wake of the new president’s rhetoric, Trump has just started his presidency. It is not too late for him to initiate a new and positive stage of the bilateral relationship with China.

Japan’s APA boss Toshio Motoya provoked criticisms from China by placing his revisionist history book in APA guest rooms. In this book, he claimed the Nanking Massacre was faked. This represents part of a perceptible shift in Japan toward conservatism, and it implies some deeper and larger change in the country’s overall mindset on war history. While self-deprecation has long overstayed its time in Japan, and self-respect is something better and urgently needed, at the same time it would be in Japan’s very interests not to be embarking on the road of self-aggrandizement.

No national interest is furthered by abandoning or conditioning this policy (One China Policy) on other issues. To do so would very likely end up increasing Taiwan’s vulnerabilities, destabilizing the Asia-Pacific region, and jeopardizing broad US interests.

Conflict often results during power transitions. The U.S. should learn from Great Britain’s policy toward the rabidly nationalistic rising giant on the North American continent. After fighting two wars with its one-time colonists, Britain wisely chose peace.

As the transition process runs its due course, frictions may wax and wane, but China will respond to the evolving situation and adapt to the US political, economic and security policy changes to ensure that bilateral ties remain on an even keel.

Trump’s nomination of Rex Tillerson has been criticized due to Tillerson’s amateurish understanding of U.S.-China relations, but other changes by the Trump administration present the major benefits and risks for China. While the administration’s closer ties with Russia and incentives to distract from domestic failure may pose a threat to China, the Chinese government has the opportunity to present itself as the more stable guardian of regional security.

Even before the election of Donald Trump or Xi Jinping’s debut at the World Economic Forum in Davos, two mutually contradictory frameworks for understanding China’s international economic and geopolitical influence, one emanating from increasingly hawkish U.S. pundits and the other from China’s top leaders, had taken shape. However, by recognizing and even embracing the complexity of China’s domestic and international political economy, new opportunities for productive engagement may replace growing strategic competition.

Duterte, whom some have dubbed as the “Trump of the East”, made it clear that he feels a sense of personal affinity with the new American leader, whom he has described as a kindred spirit, a fellow strongman and anti-establishment populist. There are, of course, legitimate concerns about the possibility of things spiraling out of control if and when mercurial and larger-than-life figures like Duterte and Trump collide. For now, however, Manila is optimistic about a diplomatic reset with its oldest friend, America.