Public backlash over reports of persistent harassment of Filipino fishermen visiting the Scarborough Shoal strain Duterte’s hopes for warmer relations with China.

Worries proliferated during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign that the election of Donald Trump would signal drastic changes in Washington’s foreign policy. Those fears proved mostly unfounded. However, Trump’s public affinity for several authoritarian regimes, regardless of their flagrant human rights abuses should concern all.

After five months of intense firefights between government troops and Islamic State (IS)-affiliated militants, the Battle of Marawi is now effectively over. Yet, the specter of terror in Mindanao is far from over. The Philippines may have managed to contain, at least for the meantime, the prospect of an IS stronghold in its backyard, but religiously inspired extremism and violence will continue to haunt Mindanao for the foreseeable future.

After his first year in office, Rodrigo Duterte has arrived at three key realizations: first, it has become increasingly clear he doesn’t have the power to unilaterally shape his country’s defense policy; second is how far he can distance the Philippines from the U.S.; and third, expanding cooperation between the Philippine military and the Pentagon will constrain Duterte’s outreach to China.

Duterte, whom some have dubbed as the “Trump of the East”, made it clear that he feels a sense of personal affinity with the new American leader, whom he has described as a kindred spirit, a fellow strongman and anti-establishment populist. There are, of course, legitimate concerns about the possibility of things spiraling out of control if and when mercurial and larger-than-life figures like Duterte and Trump collide. For now, however, Manila is optimistic about a diplomatic reset with its oldest friend, America.

Since his election in mid-2016, the Philippines’ tough-talking mayor-turned-president, Rodrigo Duterte, has lavished Russia with praise. Moscow’s rapprochement with Manila is part of a broader effort by the Eurasian powerhouse to assert its long-diminished strategic presence in the Far East and the Western Pacific, including in the South China Sea.

Enter the Rooster, exit the Monkey. As 2017 begins, Curtis S. Chin and Jose B. Collazo take look at who’s in, and who’s out in Asia—from an outgoing U.S. president and a pivot and partnership that were not to be to a tough-talking leader.

The world is watching to see how Trump will treat the “Asia-Pacific Rebalancing” strategy, how he will improve US relations with Russia, how he will respond to the friendly messages released by China, how he will readjust relations with allies and whether he will be serious in fighting terrorism and respect the United Nations’ central role.

Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte has been raising hackles across the Asia-Pacific since his inauguration in June. In his latest broadside directed at the United States, Duterte once again asserted that he wanted all foreign troops out of the Philippines and that he would eventually nix the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). Although such a move does not appear to be imminent, it is worth considering its potential implications for the region.

Today, from American voters in an ugly U.S. election season to the rhetoric of newly elected Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte, we are hearing widespread anger against the governing structures of our time, against inequality and elitism. This sense of disempowerment is real and understandable. But is globalization really the root of this? Our challenge, as individuals in this era of discontent, is to ensure that we can still come together to move forward and improve the lives of all.