Different from the earlier narrative that China was free-riding from U.S. war efforts in Afghanistan, more recent developments have focused on China’s expanding political involvement, deepening security ties, and economic investments in Afghanistan. However, the description of China as the largest, and potentially, the most influential player in Afghanistan is misleading.

War displaces people and breeds refugee crises. For the Middle East, which has long been plagued by continuing violence and conflicts, it is urgent to end the wars and safeguard the peace. China-US cooperation can play an important role to facilitate post-war reconstruction and create a survivable environment for local residents, so that violence and conflict will not occur again.

Without a question, it is still too early to predict the exact trajectory of Trump’s actual policy in office, given his penchant for policy equivocation and tendency for self-contradiction. Deals like the TTP now hang up in the air. There are also opportunities for China in the new administration. Doubts over Trump’s temperament, judgment, experience, and commitment to the global order could encourage a growing number of Asian nations to reconsider their relations with Washington in favor of Beijing. The Trump administration faces an uphill battle to reassure allies in the region that America will continue to preserve and provide public international goods in the region, stand strong with its allies, and deepen its economic engagement with Asia.

Donald Trump’s ascension to the presidency in 2017 will also make him the new commander-in-chief of the United States Armed Forces, with a large say over the question of war and peace in the next four years. While some see his strongman style as reminiscent of Theodore Roosevelt’s Gunboat Diplomacy, there are too many known unknowns about Trump’s defense policies to predict how he would react in the event of war or a perceived threat.

American foreign policy debates tend to focus disproportionally on the Middle East. To correct this tendency, the Obama administration’s adopted the so-called pivot to Asia (aka “rebalancing”): to refocus U.S. policy in proper proportion to the full range of the nation’s challenges and interests. Indeed, this broader perspective on today’s interconnected world and diligent approach to building the necessary coalitions, are the main elements that distinguish Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton’s pragmatic approach from the Republicans’ bullheaded approach.

Both Russian and the West have lost face in this typical lose-lose situation. Moscow and Washington need to rebuild trust, reactivate the process of political resolution and produce a single draft resolution based on full consultation and the most expansive common ground among all parties.

No matter how the wrangling over THAAD evolves, it will ignite strategic gaming as well as new and high military technology competition among major powers. Pentagon planners may be rejoicing over the ROK decision to embrace the American project, but the US will have no control over the reaction to the deployment.

China’s diplomatic ideal is to establish an international relationship where countries treat each other on equal footing and work together for common security, mutual benefit and joint development. China does not challenge anybody else but does not fear any challenge either, and will not allow its core interests to be jeopardized. Pursuing peace, cooperation and joint development is the only right way to follow.

Beijing and Washington have the shared goal of fighting terrorism and extremism in the region despite modest differences on the ways to address the problem. China’s efforts to engage the region economically, not militarily, relieves pressures that lead to extremization, and should therefore be appreciated by the U.S.

The U.S. decision to remove all restrictions on arms sales to Vietnam does not aim to militarize the South China Sea dispute or contain China. Rather, the decision was but the latest move among the great powers to pursue their interests in Southeast Asia, which for the United States focus on discouraging China or anyone else from using military power to pursue a coercive solution to territorial conflicts.