Other than a few glib remarks, surprisingly little was said about China at this month’s US presidential debate. Former President Donald Trump asserted that his proposed import tariffs would punish “China and all of the countries that have been ripping us off for years.” Vice President Kamala Harris, for her part, disparaged China’s pandemic response, stating that President Xi Jinping “was responsible for lacking and not giving us transparency about the origins of COVID.”

If both sides maintain a rational and pragmatic understanding of each other and continue on a path of patient, stable communication — looking for opportunities to close seemingly impossible gaps — then a positive outcome is still in the game.

As U.S.-China relations face mounting tension and uncertainty, reflecting on the early days of cultural exchange in the 1980s reveals a simpler time of optimism, goodwill, and mutual curiosity. While today's challenges are formidable, the shared experiences of those who helped build these ties offer a reminder that, even in times of difficulty, there remains potential for collaboration and understanding.

The recent visit to Beijing by Jake Sullivan, the U.S. national security adviser, revealed some new trends in the development of relations. Both sides wish to preserve stability against the backdrop of U.S. presidential elections and — to use a significant phrase — move forward.

If Vice President Kamala Harris is elected president in November, she will confront a range of severe challenges, including extremism, a Congress likely to be controlled by Republicans, a debt-ridden government, the decline of U.S. power and ongoing international conflicts. Change won’t come easy.

Nuclear deterrence has been a defining characteristic of international security for nearly a century now. Already having weathered one Cold War, could China push the U.S. over the edge towards an all-out arms race in the 21st Century?

The upcoming presidential election in the United States could significantly impact China-U.S. relations, though it’s uncertain how each candidate will ultimately approach Beijing. Neither major candidate is perceived as being willing to improve the bilateral relationship at this point, so things could very well get worse.

J.D. Vance’s stance on the American struggle in order to achieve the American dream holds parallels to his China policy, and Washington’s China policy more broadly. Americans’ views on China are similarly paradoxical, as they see China as an adversary but do not prioritize it as one.

If Harris, the current vice president of the United States, is elected president in November, her administration will likely not make radical changes to America’s existing China policies, although some nuanced adjustments could occur in areas such as combating anti-Asian racism and fostering economic stability. Those hoping for improvements should remain realistic about the slim odds of that happening.

The critique of Tim Walz’s China experience reflects an effort by some to raise concerns about his background and character, yet much of the narrative appears to exaggerate a fairly ordinary and educational journey abroad. Even more, it’s important to recognize that Walz's experiences provide him with a nuanced perspective, reflecting hard-won observation and original thought born of humility, respect, and a willingness to listen.