No one can complain that Xi Jinping short changed anyone on the opening day of the 19th Party Congress in Beijing on 18th October. Just shy of three and a half hours, his thirty-thousand-character oration left few spaces for listeners, inside and outside China, to fill in.

The sudden and unceremonious dismissal of Chongqing’s party chief Sun Zhengcai, who was replaced by former Guizhou province party chief Chen Mine’er, is the latest illustration of the precarious political security of high-ranking members of the Chinese party-state.

There are many uncertainties about China’s upcoming 19th Party Congress. It is too early and risky to make any bold predictions (even the date of the Congress is not confirmed), but there is still interesting speculation about the potential rule changes in age and term limits, the impacts of Guo Wengui’s allegations against Wang Qishan, and the spectre of Xi Jinping serving a third term.

As things stand, with four more years of the Trump Administration, China will have the field wide open for its continued ascent into global power. However, China should be wary of the dangers posed by overconfidence, great power chauvinism and a growing sense of entitlement that unbridled nationalism and unchecked leadership may breed.

While the outgoing US president has been visionary in his effort to refurbish America’s image abroad, his embrace of rules-based order — with its traditional domination by Washington — can look very much like business as usual.

The U.S.-China relationship is probably the most important one that the next president will need to manage. There would be few surprises for Asia in a Clinton presidency who would largely maintain the traditional ‘hedge and engage’ policy towards China. While a Trump presidency could be seen as better for China, allowing more leeway on security issues, adding an additional element of unpredictability that he would bring to China’s already uncertain economy, would not be good for the country or President Xi Jinping.

The empire perspective thinks in hegemonic terms and emphasizes military power. The republic perspective thinks in multipolar terms and emphasizes diplomacy. These two perspectives are active in both the Democratic and Republican parties. In both parties, however, the empire perspective is dominant. Would a Trump presidency mean a continuation of the Pivot to Asia?

Trump’s comments about disadvantageous global trade deals with China could be considered stylistic simplifications—unlikely to be translated into policies—of the position that the U.S. government has sacrificed the interests of the majority, in order to maintain what can only be described as a global “empire.” A Trump presidency could actually usher in more peaceful China-U.S. relations.

Despite a history of China-bashing during US presidential elections, other concerns are capturing the attention of candidates and voters this year. That could make preserving the equilibrium between China and the US easier this time around, if the will is there in both capitals.