The China-US military relationship goes beyond its traditional bilateral boundary, and moves into regional and even global arenas. With the Chinese military extending its global reach, it finds more occasions to cooperate with its US counterpart, despite new frictions arising from China’s bilateral disputes with its neighbors, some of whom are U.S. allies. Crisis-prevention management and confidence-building measures have become important new elements in the relationship, crucial stabilizers even in the worst circumstances.

As Monday marked the end of the G20 conference, and what was likely President Obama’s last trip to China during his tenure as president, it is impossible not to look back at his relationship with China and its leaders over the past eight years.

A visit to China by Pentagon chief Ashton Carter could help increase mutual understanding, dispel some unnecessary misjudgments, and build more political trust between the two countries and their armed forces. For the sake of improving Sino-U.S. relations, the two sides should have grasped the opportunity rather than beating a retreat in the face of difficulties.

China and Russia will conduct a joint naval exercise codenamed Joint Sea 2016 in the South China Sea from Sept 12 to 19.

As the Obama presidency ends, expect the US-China partnership to become ever more complicated. Beijing and Washington will collaborate more on global issues, non-traditional security matters in particular, while contesting more on strategic domains and regional leadership — but there is still hope to forge a predictable and constructive future.

The U.S.-China relationship is probably the most important one that the next president will need to manage. There would be few surprises for Asia in a Clinton presidency who would largely maintain the traditional ‘hedge and engage’ policy towards China. While a Trump presidency could be seen as better for China, allowing more leeway on security issues, adding an additional element of unpredictability that he would bring to China’s already uncertain economy, would not be good for the country or President Xi Jinping.

The three countries must identify areas of cooperation in Myanmar, such as investment, public service projects among others, and foster a viable cooperation mechanism where interests are shared, risked are distributed. A non-competitive approach will contribute to the economic prosperity of Myanmar and the well-being of its people, and will meet the interests of the three countries and the region at large.

While the U.S. calls for respect of the given ruling under the Law of the Sea Convention, of which the U.S. is not a signatory, none of the predicted responses from China and the Philippines have come true. On the contrary, both have opted for ‘strategic restraint,’ choosing to use dialogue in order to find common ground.

Not long ago, China, Japan and the ROK finally got their foreign ministers together in Tokyo. The foreign ministers’ meeting naturally had an important mission, and the opportunity it created may, to a considerable extent, reshape the relations among the three countries.

As both China and the U.S. play critical roles in reshaping global governance, there is a need for a new concept of “order” that is all inclusive and can accommodate the interests and concerns of all countries, providing a common roof for all.