He Wenping, Senior Research Fellow, Charhar Institute and West Asia and Africa Studies Institute of the China Academy of Social Sciences
Jun 05, 2017
With a lucrative arms contract and a strategic shift toward Saudi Arabia Israel, the US consolidated long-standing alliances at the likely expense of warming relations with Iran. But the new president has shifted his ground quickly on more than one issue, and so his Middle East policy still should be viewed as a work in progress.
Ramses Amer, Associated Fellow, Institute for Security & Development Policy, Sweden
Li Jianwei, Director and Research Fellow, National Institute for South China Sea Studies
Jun 01, 2017
Strong political will from both sides, coupled with quiet diplomacy to handle contentious issues and consider each other’s concerns, and is leading to flexibility in China-Philippines management of their maritime disputes.
Luo Liang, Assistant Research Fellow, National Institute for South China Sea Studies
Jun 01, 2017
That Beijing and Manila have smoothly maneuvered a new bilateral consultation mechanism for the South China Sea issue in such a short time — and made it a platform for confidence-building as well as maritime and security cooperation — is praiseworthy. It also demonstrates the futility of outside interference in the sea issue.
Tian Shichen, Founder & President, Global Governance Institution
May 31, 2017
As expected, China may face criticism at this year’s Shangri-La Asia Security Summit in Singapore. While the U.S. may strike a balance in the keynote policy speech by Defense Secretary James Mattis, Japan is likely to wage a PR campaign against China.
Elizabeth Wishnick, Professor, Political Science at Montclair State University
May 29, 2017
Though the election of Donald Trump at first seemed likely to change the U.S.-Russia-China strategic triangle, relations between the countries have largely remained where they were under Obama. If you remember your geometry lessons, we now have an isosceles triangle—China occupies the pivotal position at the top and has better relations with both Russia and the United States than they have with each other.
May 26, 2017
The report lays out the differing strategic perceptions of the United States and China with respect to some of the most topical and challenging issues on the U.S.-China agenda today. These starkly differing perceptions inform and exacerbate actual policy and fuel mistrust and broad mutual strategic suspicion.
Richard Javad Heydarian, Professorial Chairholder in Geopolitics, Polytechnic University of the Philippines
May 23, 2017
During his second official visit to Beijing in less than a year, Duterte held formal talks with both Chinese President Xi Jinping as well as Premiere Li Keqiang, where the two neighbors reaffirmed their commitment to look beyond their difference in the South China Sea and, instead, focus on areas of common concern. In exchange for these diplomatic and strategic concessions, Duterte expects China to serve as a key partner for his country’s national development. China’s new Silk Road initiative, in particular, has caught the Philippines’ attention.
He Yafei, Former Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs
May 22, 2017
If there is anything about B&R that can contribute to the future of global governance and world order, it is the inherent opportunity in that proposal to further democratize international relations and make globalization an equal, more sustainable process for sharing benefits among all nations.
Doug Bandow, Senior Fellow, Cato Institute
May 19, 2017
North does not threaten America geographically as two nations do not share a land border, but President Trump apparently is certain that Pyongyang’s weapons programs are Washington’s problem. This prospect has pushed the Trump administration into frenetic if not necessarily productive activity.
Huang Jing, University Professor at Shanghai International Studies University
May 19, 2017
China must reconsider its approach to the DPRK nuclear issue, reverse its passive strategic position, and not equate the security of North Korea with the security of the Kim regime. Beijing should openly state that it will neither allow a war in North Korea, nor merely look on while North Korea becomes Northeast Asia’s “Middle East”.