The multi-centered geographical distribution of UN agencies has been a reality, yet there is no comprehensive UN hub in East Asia. A two-step approach—pilot first, followed by institutional integration—could be adopted to leverage the region’s strengths in innovation and market, thereby building a new node of international governance.

China neither seeks nor intends to replace the United States in filling any so-called “vacuum”, nor should it be expected to play such a role, says leading Tsinghua IR scholar Da Wei in the recent interview with The Paper.

The visit of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi to the United States showcased the internal solidarity of the alliance. But an official U.S. report warned Tokyo against escalating tensions with China.

It’s no secret that the relationship between Asia’s two largest states is far from friendly, but the present window of opportunity for new global leaders to take center-stage could turn things around if both play to their strengths.

What matters most for China is not whether the United States is in decline but how to understand a country that seeks to shape history while being no longer willing to bear the costs under the old rules. The United States today stands at a historic crossroads. To understand, one must begin with this fundamental reality.

Middle powers on the continent have a real motivation to cooperate. Constrained by structural factors such as their defense systems, however, the so-called transatlantic shared heritage and the scale of the U.S. market, their cooperation is seen mostly in policy coordination and diplomatic statements.

The U.S.-Israel strikes on Iran have heightened regional instability while exposing China’s complex strategic dilemma, as Beijing seeks to safeguard critical energy imports and investments without becoming directly involved. Balancing ties with Iran, Gulf states, and the West, China is pursuing a cautious, deliberately ambiguous approach to protect its broader geopolitical and economic interests.

Four interconnected risks threaten Republican control of the U.S. Congress in November’s midterm elections. The vote will determine not only control of Congress but will also profoundly influence the future trajectory of American politics.

An era has reached its end. Washington now faces a stark choice: It must either pay the true diplomatic and political price of leadership or prepare to hand over the keys to a region it can neither afford nor effectively manage.

While leaning toward the United States, President Javier Milei has been adjusting ties with China. Given the U.S. strategic narrative of “Western Hemisphere First,” his approach to balancing relations with Beijing and Washington may serve as a bellwether for the foreign policy strategies of other countries across the region.